from bramilo.weblogs.com
Note: This article is my second assignment for Net503: A Socio-technological Introduction to the Internet (part of the Internet Studies Program, Curtin University). I reproduce it here in all its imperfection (I didn’t get high marks for this one) as notes on the topic rather than polished piece.
Emerging Internet technologies foster new means of interaction through three “revolutions” described by Kitchin: they challenge traditional ideas concerning mass communication and the form of communication; help radically transform space-time relations and create new social spaces; and lead to a rethinking of concepts such as reality and nature. These cyberspatial challenges have brought about “new voices, new spaces, new categories” in the social, cultural, political, and economic realms, engendering means of interaction previously not possible (Kitchin 1998: 12).
There are a number of manifestations of emerging new means of interactions; these include: challenges to the traditional notions of identity and community; prospects for computer-mediated direct democracy and online political activity, and transformations in Internet-based political activity; the ascendancy of the Information Economy, Internet-facilitated globalisation of trade, and restructuring of economic organizations and employment effected by cyberspatial technologies. Below I discuss aspects of some changes fostered by Internet technologies, citing Kitchin’s comments but also drawing on other experiences, including my own.
Socio-cultural aspects
Cyberspatial technologies challenge traditional notions of identity and community by allowing if not encouraging self-construction and multiplicity of identities online, and by “providing new social spaces of interchange and cultural transmission.” (Kitchin 1998: 74).
Cyberspace provides a relatively high degree of anonymity for users of its technologies, especially in text-dominant virtual environments such as usenet groups, chat rooms, and MUDs and MOOs. Users are known and judged by their words principally, and their looks and accents matter little in such environments. Some users, facilitated by anonymity and the disembodied nature of cyberspaces, also do gender bending and role-playing. Identity in cyberspace can thus be “fluid, ephemeral and empowering because people can choose how they are represented. Users literally become the authors of their lives” (Kitchin 1998: 81).
Internet technologies, particularly chat applications, allow multiple interchanges to occur simultaneously – in Internet Relay Chat or Instant Messaging systems (e.g. ICQ) a user can have more than one conversation with different parties all at the same time – thus providing a “multitasking” platform for communication, perhaps even allowing multiple identities to take over separate simultaneous exchanges. While this can be simulated offline, as in having conversations on different topics with different people in a group or over two or more telephones, the effect is disconcerting or off-putting to other parties – the time lag and disembodiment in text-based online chatting environments is actually conducive to multiple engagements.
With the advent and growing popularity of audio and video modes of communication through applications such as Netmeeting, visit, ICQ, Yahoo! Chat and others, part of the anonymity and mystique of online communication is diminished – as faces, accents, and genders are obvious in audio-video encounters, playing with identities becomes more limited, and online communication perhaps becomes a simulation of traditional face-to-face communication.
Online or virtual communities can be considered as old as the Internet, depending on which definition of community is adopted. If it is accepted that communities can be formed on the bases of “interests and affinity, rather than the coincidence of locality” (Rheingold in Kitchin, 1998: 86) then usenet groups, mailing lists, chat rooms, can be considered communities. Kitchin cites views that “cyberspace allows the formation of ‘virtual (on-line) communities’ that are free of the constraints of place and based upon new modes of interaction and new forms of social relationships” (Kitchin 1998: 86).
Online communities are communities that are indeed based on interests and affinities, that are not place-based or time-zone bound – thus demonstrating one manifestation of cyberspatial challenge to notions of time-space – and that, for some such as Rheingold, can foster genuine community values that are disappearing from “real” or place-based communities; he envisions a “’global civil society’ with a shared consciousness: community will no longer be local but global” (in Kitchin 1998: 87).
Amy Jo Kim, author of Community building on the web, describes community as “a group of people with a shared interest, purpose, or goal, who get to know each other over time” (Kim 2000: 28). For her, the key part of her definition of community is the getting to know each other over time; toward this end, she espouses “nine timeless design strategies that characterize successful, sustainable communities” (Kim 2000: xiii). Part of the strategies is setting up “gathering places” for online communities using a variety of Internet technologies such as mailing lists, message boards, web sites, chat rooms, etc. I must also emphasise that community building for Kim is not only useful for altruistic or utopian reasons; she worked on commercial web sites’ community building programs (eg. AOL) too, anticipating the popularity of community building as a customer relations strategy that is evident today.
There are those, on the other hand, that don’t recognize online communities as “real communities.” In fact, Kitchin devotes much space in Cyberspace (Chapter 4) to criticisms of online communities. Once such critic is Sardar, who claims “communities are shaped … not by joining a group of people with common interests” and that “a cyber community is self-selecting, exactly what a real community is not.” Sardar’s position stems from his preferred construction of community – “shaped by a sense of belonging to a place, a geographical location, by shared values, by common struggles, by tradition and history of location — and because cyber communities do not fit his definition, cyber communities are therefore not real communities (Sardar in Kitchin, 1998: 88).
Whether online communities are real communities or not will be debated for a long time; the notion of “community” itself is being debated offline and will be debated for years to come. What is relevant to me, however, is that the Internet in fact allows groups of people separated by geographic space and time zones and other constraints – constraints that would normally disallow sustained interaction among them – are able to overcome these constraints to interact with relatively little expense, almost instantaneously, on shared (or a community of) interests. Bringing people to interact in such a fashion is not possible without Internet technologies.
Political aspects
Kitchin states “commentators are nearly all universally agreed that cyberspatial technologies have wide-scale implications for politics and polity. In one form or another, they are set to transform political structures and organizations, political campaigning, lobbying strategies, and voting patterns.” He identifies two possible cyberspatially-facilitated political developments predicted by some commentators: direct government could potentially replace representative government, and, the role of place-based political mobilization will rapidly diminish. (Kitchin 1998: 100-101).
Kitchin doubts, however, if these predicted big changes – direct democracy, non place-based political processes – will ever transpire. In relation to direct government, he states that “direct government as a concept is impractical and unlikely to work. Government is an extremely complicated system requiring complex systems of consultation, debate and understanding. In practice, most people will not want to understand these debates and partake in the political process, replacing elected, representative figures.” In relation to the diminishing relevance of place, he states: “people offline still have to live in the local, and will continue to be represented by the current democratic systems based within discrete geographical units.” (1998: 125). He also questions the supposed effect of the Internet as a “political modifier” because of its popular information dissemination capacity, stating that the Internet is just another source of information and a new way to send an opinion, and that most of the information on the net is trivial anyway (Kitchin 1998: 126)
Regardless of Kitchin’s (and others’) doubts about “political futures” of Internet technologies, I see invaluable advantages of these technologies to the political work and development of some sectors and for some purposes. Kitchin’s discussion, I feel, is about possibilities for mainstream and very big political changes; not all political work and change needs to be at such a universal level, and small changes are what bigger chances can build on.
So while other aspects of politics and polity are discussed by Kitchin (e.g. ownership, access, deviancy, etc.), I would like to discuss further the effect of Internet technologies on the transformation of political activity (albeit not necessarily at a big, mainstream, universal level) specifically in relation to the issue of virtual communities discussed in the previous section.
The Internet has certainly changed the way some political organizations are structured and how they work. Political organizations that are also based on communities (place-based and otherwise) use the Internet for communication, collaboration, and decision-making to great effect. They also make good use of the unique characteristic of the Internet as a non-broadcasting and interactive communication mode so that “propaganda” is not disseminated one-way but there are more opportunities for dialogue on political issues.
One personal experience I have of how issues of community and politics intersect online is my involvement with an international online community of Filipino activists and expatriates campaigning for Absentee Voting Rights for overseas Filipinos. One of the main affiliates of this movement is elagda, (http://www.elagda.org), or roughly translated to English, e-signature. elagda was formed during the political crises in the Philippines in early 2001 to coordinate Filipino expatriate involvement in the campaign to oust former President Estrada. After Estrada’s ouster, it shifted attention to absentee voting rights.
Elagda members and affiliate organizations are spread worldwide. They have circulated a common email petition directed at members of the Philippine Congress and Senate, they coordinate lobbying activities and suggest amendments to the Senate bill via email, they run numerous mailing lists on different interests, and they have chats (using Yahoo Messenger) every Monday and Thursday to assess and plan the campaign. They also have subcommittees working on specific concerns, one of which is researching e-voting technologies (one of the members’ research has turned up an Australian site about evoting: http://members.ozemail.com.au/~jjjacq/evote/en/evote_en.html).
I am sure there are other possibly more exciting examples of how cyberspatial technologies have provided new means of interaction for communities engaged in political activity. The breadth, scale, and speed of such political activity will not be possible without the Internet.
Economic aspects
Kitchin observes that Internet technologies have ushered in the “information economy,” where “processes of production, consumption and management are becoming increasingly reliant on ‘knowledge generation, information exchanges and information handling’” and where information is digital-based, managed through telematic infrastructures controlled by transnational corporations (Kitchin 1998: 130-131). Trends that signal the emergence and growing domination of the information economy are: globalisation of trade; office automation and back-offices; teleworking (and telecottages, teleports); and, gaining competitive advantage (Kitchin 1998. 135-143).
Changes brought about by the ascendancy of the information economy are: 1) organizational and employment restructuring, with corporate downsizing and polarization of the workforce between a core of highly-skilled information workers and the bulk consisting of unskilled and temporary labour, with the disappearance of middle-level management; 2) urban-regional restructuring, with the continued dominance of metropolitan areas with a concentration of telematic infrastructures, with some operations decentralized to peripheral areas to avail of lower rent, less transient labour force, etc.; and, 3) the emergence of soft- or cyber-cities, “whose infrastructure is increasingly becoming composed of cyberspatial connections and whose existing infrastructure is increasingly being monitored and controlled by computer networks,” in order to benefit from the globalisation of trade and to gain competitive advantage over other cities (Kitchin 1998: 144-157).
The information economy, or “new economy” as it is also referred to, has in fact transformed economic processes and structures, often to the disadvantage of the majority of economic stakeholders (i.e. workers and consumers). Kitchin’s asserts that cyberspatial technologies have been adopted “because they increase corporate profits by increasing productivity while reducing costs,” that changes brought by the information economy have “led to widening social and spatial divisions,” and that “transnational companies are run to make profits, not to make an egalitarian society”(Kitchin 1998: 160).
A particular aspect of the information economy was the emergence of businesses whose business was mainly information, and which existed principally in cyberspace (hence the term dot com). Many of these companies were financed by venture capitalists and some did not even have solid business models. Many of the smaller dot coms went out of business in the crash, including a high profile Australian company such as Spike. Out of that experience, some lessons have been identified, including: companies with longer bricks-and-mortar experience and who leveraged this experience, had a better chance in the new economy. A preferred approach then is the
clicks-and-bricks one, where offline and online strategies are both developed and pursued as part of a business model. One personal experience I’ve had with the changes in the new economy since the crash is that many dot coms that used to offer free services on the web have either folded or now charge for the services.
At any rate, while a lot of dot comers are licking their wounds, not everyone has given upon the new economy; some are looking at it more realistically. Michael Bloomberg, for instance, suggests that “I don’t think there is a new economy. I think there are new tools for the economy.” (Fast Company, March 2001, p.92)
New Forms, New Substance?
While the Internet has provided new and unique means of interaction, these cyberspatial technologies do not necessarily transform social relations substantially or fundamentally.
Kitchin says, “cyberspaces do offer new forms of communication and are new spaces of interaction but they are embodied spaces that are essentially extensions of real-world spaces, governed by the same cultural ideologies. Cyberspaces supplement rather than replace real-world activities.” (Kitchin 1998: 170)
So, while the Internet, on one hand, offers more than simulations of traditional forms of interaction, it is basically a simulation (an extension?) of traditional, real life.
References
Rob Kitchin, Cyberspace: The World in the Wires, John Wiley and Sons, England 1998.
Amy Jo Kim, Community Building on the Web, Peachpit Press, California 2000.
Fast Company, March 2001.
Christian Ramilo
Student Number 12292420